Wired For Warfare - TIME SPECIAL REPORT
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Date
Tue, 19 Oct 1999 08:01:59 -0400
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TIME SPECIAL REPORT/THE COMMUNICATIONS
REVOLUTION/ LANGUAGES OF TECHNOLOGY
OCTOBER 11, 1999 VOL. 154 NO. 15
http://www.pathfinder.com/time/magazine/articles/0,3266,32558,00.html
Wired For Warfare
Rebels and dissenters are using the
power of the Net to harass and attack
their more powerful foes
BY TIM MCGIRK/MEXICO CITY
In the Chiapas jungles of southern Mexico during
the mid-1990s, Zapatista guerrillas--fighting for
the rights of Mayan peasants--evolved a new
method of conflict: "cyberwar." A mode of battle
that involves the Internet and other forms of
telecommunication, cyberwar, or Netwar, is
employed with increasing frequency by rebels,
terrorists and governments around the world. A
Netwar can be pure propaganda, recognition that
modern conflicts are won as much by capturing
headlines as by capturing territory. But a Netwar
can have more dangerous applications when
computer viruses or electronic jamming are used
to disable an enemy's defenses, as both Serb
and NATO hackers proved in Kosovo by
unleashing barrages of propaganda and
attempting to bring down each others'
telecommunications systems.
When they rebelled in 1994, the poorly armed
Zapatistas were no match for the Mexican army
in Chiapas. But their spokesman,
Subcomandante Marcos, is an agile media
manipulator. A renegade college professor who
hides his face in a ski mask, Marcos titled his
Ph.D. dissertation The Power of the Word. In the
battle for public sympathy, he knows his laptop
is a more effective weapon than an AK-47
Kalashnikov rifle. Using a network of universities,
churches and non-governmental organizations
(NGOs) in Mexico, the U.S. and Canada--all
linked through the Internet--Marcos mobilized
international pressure to make the government
cease its assaults against the Zapatistas. When
the Mexican army declared in December 1994
that it had surrounded the 12,000 rebels, Marcos
dispatched news that the Zapatistas had slipped
out of the trap and conquered dozens of villages.
It wasn't true, but according to cyberwar
specialists the Zapatistas' disinformation
campaign caused enough confusion to help
touch off a run on the peso, plunging Mexico into
recession.
The Zapatistas' tactics also attracted the
attention of military strategists. The U.S. Army,
for one, sponsored a 1998 study on the group's
tactics by the Rand think-tank. "Marcos is not a
computer geek," says John Arquilla, a defense
information expert at the U.S. Naval
Postgraduate School in Monterey and co-author
of the Rand report The Zapatista Social Netwar in
Mexico. "He's more committed to the idea of info
revolution."
That revolution is spreading. These days missiles
are not only tipped with warheads but with video
cameras; television and radio deliver war news as
it happens; and alleged eyewitness accounts of
battles and massacres appear on the Internet,
quickly finding their way into other media. What
matters in today's combat, says Arquilla, "is
whose story wins." Not surprising, then, that 12
of the 30 terrorist organizations identified by the
U.S. State Department have their own websites.
Armies are also entering this digital arena.
Sweden's leading military college recently
graduated several infowar specialists, and the
American military academy West Point is
expected to add cybercombat to its curriculum.
In Netwar, governments are often at a
disadvantage against rebel groups or terrorists.
Since they are hierarchies, governments are
digital sitting ducks, easy prey for electronic
attacks. Groups like the Zapatistas and Burmese
dissidents fighting the military regime in
Rangoon, on the other hand, use swarms of
loosely organized "hacktivists" to strike at
governmental computer networks. The hackers
strike, then swiftly disperse into cyberspace. The
rebels' electronic battle station is seldom inside
the country they are targeting, and tracing it back
through the Net can be like trying to find the door
in a hall of mirrors. The Zapatistas' first
websites,
for example, were based in the U.S., while
Colombia's Revolutionary Armed Forces (FARC)
guerrillas are in Europe, and Serb Net
propagandists relied on sympathizers in Eastern
Europe during the Kosovo crisis.
One of the most novel weapons in the Zapatistas'
digital arsenal is the Electronic Disturbance
Theater, which operates out of New York City.
These Net activists specialize in virtual sit-ins.
Using a JavaScript tool called FloodNet, the
group organizes thousands of online protesters to
invade a Mexican government website with up to
600,000 hits a minute, normally bringing it to a
grinding halt. "We're not into blowing people up or
hacking sites," says one of the Theater's
founders, Ricardo Dominguez. "We just want to
create a small force field that will disturb the
pace of power." He predicts that soon peasant
farmers in Chiapas will be able to protect
themselves from assaults by security forces with
"wireless video uploads" that can secretly record
incidents of police or army brutality and transmit
live on the Internet. According to Dominguez, this
would enable viewers to circulate the faces and
badge numbers of assailants to human rights
groups.
The art of Netwar is rapidly advancing. Cyberwar
is "in its early stages," says the U.S. Naval
Postgraduate School's Arquilla, "but it's the
harbinger of a new kind of warfare." According to
Dorothy Denning, a professor of computer
science at Georgetown University, the Kosovo
conflict was "the first war fought on the Internet."
Air strikes targeted television and radio stations
controlled by the Serbs, but NATO deliberately
spared the four Internet servers in Yugoslavia
from its bombardments. The aim was to let
Yugoslavs tap into news on the conflict free from
Serb censorship. But this ploy backfired. The
Yugoslav government seized control of the
servers and used them to pour out pro-Serb
propaganda. Their aim, nearly successful, was to
weaken the resolve of NATO countries.
No challenge to NATO's domination of the skies,
the Serbs held their own in the Internet trenches.
Serb hackers also used the servers and satellite
links left intact by NATO to break into
government and industry computers belonging to
members of the alliance, disrupting services and
defacing websites. NATO hackers did the same
to Serb sites. Serb computer experts also lobbed
"e-mail bombs" at U.S. government facilities,
clogging the systems.
Digital sabotage is rife in Asia, too. In the week
after the results of East Timor's referendum on
independence were announced, the Department
of Foreign Affairs received hundreds of e-mail
"letter bombs" designed to disable government
computers. "Without a firewall, [the e-mail] would
have contaminated the system," says a source
within the department. In Taiwan and China,
supporters and opponents of Taiwan's bid for
statehood regularly hack into and deface each
other's websites.
Some Netwar experts concede the limitations of
this kind of combat. Jamming governmental
websites may be a nuisance to the Mexicans, for
example, but it is unlikely to scare the
administration into surrendering to the
Zapatistas. Nevertheless, argues Georgetown's
Denning, "An electronic petition with a million
signatures may influence policy more than an
attack that disrupts emergency services."
Others, like Zapatista activist Dominguez, view
cyberwar as a more civilized alternative to
blood-and-guts fighting. "I'd much rather see
extremists take down an Internet server than go
around killing people," he says. For the
Zapatistas, fighting a Netwar may have saved
them from extermination, winning the rebels
widespread international support. Marcos often
compares himself to the cartoon character
Speedy Gonzalez. Like this quick-witted mouse,
Marcos used the Internet to run rings around his
bigger foes. His comrades in other countries may
well follow his lead.
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